Balkanization & the ghost of Greater Somalia,

18 Apr. 2006

Firstly, I have to commend Mr. Ali H. Abdulla on the rational and reasoned tone of his piece “The Hidden Conspiracy to Balkanize Somalia” which recently appeared on various Somali websites. In the main, the supporters of ‘Greater Somalia’ tend towards a virulence of language that often descends to name-calling and/or a crude tribalism that negates any form of rational argument and reasonable discourse. Thus, Mr. Abdulla deserves to be commended for rising above these shallow appeals to base emotions in the tone of his piece.

However, if the tone of his missive is thoughtful and reasoned, I regret to say that the logic and thrust of his argument is not only facile and artificial, but actually devoid of any merit. Mr. Abdulla engages in the age old artifice of the propagandist - build a straw hut in order to demolish it and in the process while “exposing” its flimsy nature. He posits the success of Somaliland in building a free, democratic country governed by the rule of law and the suffering of the people of the north under the Afweyne dictatorship as the two principal reasons for Somaliland’s recovery of its sovereignty. Having created this straw hut, he then proceeds to blow it down by dismissing these reasons as insufficient justification for the people of Somaliland to recover their sovereignty from Somalia, by citing examples of other peoples, e.g. the Kurds, who have had similar experiences without seceding.

Mr. Abdulla chooses to completely ignore the critical and defining facts underlying Somaliland’s case for nationhood. Firstly, there was no national entity called Somalia or Somaliland prior to the advent of colonialism in the Horn of Africa. The Somali people inhabited a region extending from the northern edge of the Rift Valley in Kenya to the south, to Harrar in eastern Ethiopia to the west, to the Afar mountains in the north, and extending along the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean coastlines as far south as the mouth of the Tana River in northern Kenya. The Somali people were organised along clan and tribal lines and did not adhere to any Pan-Somali socio-political structure that can be equated with the modern nation state. Rather, when the European scramble for Africa took place at the end of the 19th century, Britain entered into a Treaty of Protection with the Somali tribes along the Gulf of Aden coast in order to protect the southern gateway to the Suez Canal, while the French established colonial suzerainty over the Territory of the Afar & Issa and the Italians established suzerainty over the territory north of the British colony of Kenya and southeast of the Abyssinian Empire. Thus, were the geographic borders of the Somali territories established by treaties between the respective colonial powers, i.e. Britain, Italy, France and Abyssinia, without any Somali input.

Secondly, the Somalia that Mr. Abdulla fears is being balkanised never existed as a nation state until it was created by the union of the ex-British Protectorate of Somaliland and the ex-UN Trust Territory of Somalia to its south. This union between two, independent states was never legally ratified since the people of Somaliland rejected the Union Constitution when it was put to a national referendum in 1961, although the people of Somalia ratified it with a large majority. Thus, the legal basis for the existence of the Somali Republic under international law is itself suspect and open to dispute. Mr. Abdulla, whether you and your fellow Greater Somalists like it or not, the fact of the matter is that Somaliland was established as a nation state on 26th June 1960 and so pre-dates, as a nation state, the Somalia to which you are so beholden. It is also a matter of cold, hard fact, unpalatable to you though it may be, that the people of Somaliland never gave their consent to the union with Somalia on the terms proposed to them in the Union Constitution of 1961. Thus, their decision to re-establish their sovereignty in 1991, after ejecting the genocidal, Afweyne dictatorship from their country, is not only soundly based upon international law, but actually gives belated effect to their rejection of the union with Somalia evidenced by their rejection of the 1961 constitution.

The vibrant and functioning democracy that the people of Somaliland have established in their country is a reflection of their political maturity and their deep commitment to liberty, representative government and the pursuit of human advancement through peace and development. It is not the reason they have recovered their national sovereignty, but rather the living proof of their claim to self determination and nationhood. The skewed terms of the 1960 union with Somalia under which Somaliland was marginalised, leading eventually to the campaign of genocide instituted by the Afweyne dictatorship was the final impetus that drove the people of Somaliland to take up arms and forcibly rid themselves of that evil regime, and in so doing recover their sovereignty, their liberty and their dignity. Somaliland’s claim to nationhood does not rest upon the fact that it was persecuted by Afweyne and his junta, however, that persecution brought home to its people that recovering their sovereignty required, in effect, the toppling of that evil regime. Indeed, the people of Somalia owe Somaliland a debt of gratitude for initiating the demise of the Afweyne cabal.

Mr. Abdulla, permit me to enlighten you regarding Professor Ali Mazrui’s interview with Sagal Radio as per your request. In the section of this interview, quoted in your piece, which you were unable to fathom, he is discussing the non-state, socio-political structure of many African societies, including Somali society. He is making the point that many African societies had, and still have, strong rules governing their socio-political and economic organisation of society, but little or no central authority or government. This is certainly true in much of Somali society, where there is no tradition of strong, centralised rulers, but a largely egalitarian and democratic system of debate and consensus among all adult clan members, with traditional elders and ‘sultans’ exercising power and authority through the veracity of their argument, the depth of their wisdom and the force of their personality, rather than through formal state structures. From your comments on Professor Mazrui’s statements, it is clear that you do not understand the important point he is making concerning alternative socio-political structures which is part of the global, academic debate about the contribution of non-European societies to human social, political and economic development. This is not the appropriate forum to enter this debate, but your perception that the good Professor’s comments portray “...us as a nation that is way behind other Africans...” indicates that your education in political theory, social anthropology and African history has a long way to go.

Finally, it is necessary to raise a point of language here. The term ‘balkanization’ as used in political discourse has a distinct and specific meaning which arises from the historical genesis of the term. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Balkans (as the territory in southern Europe from Albania through erstwhile Yugoslavia and Slovenia was called) was carved up by the Great Powers, comprising the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, Germany, France and Great Britain. This imperial carve-up and the competition it induced lead directly to the First World War, and this is where the term derived from, along with its pejorative connotation. In essence, therefore, the term ‘balkanization’ has come to refer to the process whereby stronger powers carve up weaker nations and states among themselves.

In the case of the erstwhile Somalia, what has transpired is the collapse of a state whose raison d’être, i.e. the irredentist dream of Greater Somalia, had vanished. Somaliland’s recovery of its nationhood cannot be termed ‘balkanization’ since it is the will of its people and not the externally imposed imperative of a foreign power. In passing, it is interesting and noteworthy that Mr. Abdulla never identifies the foreign powers which are conspiring to balkanize Somalia, although he is quick to accuse all and sundry of beings agents of this conspiracy. Perhaps he thinks the foreign powers which are conspiring to balkanize Somalia are Iqbal Jhazbhay and Ian Lewis!

I choose not to comment on the rest of Mr. Abdulla’s missive, since it is mainly confined to a rather mean spirited character assassination of Professors Iqbal Jhazbhay and Ian Lewis which does not merit discussion. I will only state that while the achievements and credentials of these two renowned academics are a matter of public record, Mr. Abdulla’s lack of comprehension of the substance of the subject he chooses to discuss as well as the terminology in which he frames it is now also a matter of public record.

* Ahmed M.I. Egal is based in the United Arab Emirates, he can be reached at raageblacky@yahoo.ca

 

Dadweynaha reer Soomaalilaand caad kama saarna in mucaaraddada Kulmiye tahay qaran dumis aan gabbood lahayn

26 Aug 2005

Kulmiye hadimada uu ku hayo Soomaalilaand kama sokeyso ta Cabdillaahi Yusuf ku hayo, halis ahaana iyadaaba ka weyn oo cadowga aad iska ogtahay wax kuma yeelo ee ka gudahaaga ayaa ku laciifin kara haddii aadan feejigaad u lahay oo aadan ka digtoonaan.

Xisbiga Kulmiye sidii uu ugu guuldarraystay labadii doorashe ee u dambeeyey, waxa ku dhacay madaxdiisi hinaase kursi oo ka indhasaabay qadiyaddii Soomaalilaand. Sideedaba hinaasuhu wuxuu wax u dhimaa miyarka iyo maanka waxa san lagu garto, ruuxa uu ku dhacana wax aan maangal ahayn baa ka suurtooba in uu ku kaco.

Haddii aan dib u daymoono tallaabooyinka hoggaanka xisbiga Kulmiye ku kacayey tan iyo maalintii laga helay kursiga Madaxtooyada Soomaalilaand, waxa si cad u muuqanaya fadqalaladii ay ku hayeen qaranimadeena iyo inta goor ay holladeen in ay dumiyaan JSL.

Kow waxa ka ahayd kolkii ay isku dayeen in ay boobaan doorashadii Madaxtooyada, kolkii ay u suurtageli weydayna ay diidmada qayaxan isla soo taageen in ay aqbalaan in laga helay doorashadii. Allaa inaga samatasaaree teelo umay dhigan in ay jilbaha u dhigaan JSL.

Laba waxa ka ah mawqifka hoggaanka Kulmiye iska taagay Gobolada Sool iyo Sanaag Bari oo ilaa maanta ah mid taageeraya taliska Cabdillaahi Yuusuf oo si badheedh ah uga soo horjeeda maslaxadda Qarnimada Soomaalilaand. Weli dhegaheena ayuu ka sii guuxayaa hadalkiisii, kolkii Md. Siilaanyo badheedh inoogu sheegay isaga oo ka hadlaya madaarka Hargeysa in uu dawladda Itoobiya ka codsaday in aany ku koobanaan uun la hadalka Soomaalilaand iyo taliska C/llaahi Yuusuf ee ay ka qaybgeliso wadahadalka dadka ku nool Sool iyo Sanaag Bari. Taa macnaheedu waxay tahay in aanay Dawladda Soomaalilaand matalin labada gobol. Waana afkii C/llaahi Yuusuf oo aan biyo is marin! 

Saddex waxa ka ah Md. Siilaanyo oo aan marna la gaban in uu Caalamka been uga sheego xaaladaha Soomaalilaand, tusaale ahaan arrintii been abuurka ahayd ee gabadhii Samsam ee lagu cambaareynayey in JSL meel kaga dhacdo xuquuqda aadmiga, askarteeduna jeelka naagaha ku kufsadaan; Shirkii Losangels ee uu ka akhriyey khudbadda ku liddiga ku ah JSL oo noqotay wax yaab iyo amakaag ku keena dadweynaha reer SL.

Afar waxa ka ah sida xilkasdarrada ah ee uu ugu waaniyo ganacsatada reer Soomaalilaand in aanay cashuurta bixin, isaga oo ku tilmaamaya in ay badan tahay, dhiirigelinaya in ay wax kala soo degaan dekadda Boosaaso. Marinhabaabintaasi kuma koobna uun in uu curyaamiyo dhaqaalaha JSL ee waxa weheliye in uu ku naasnuujinayo taliska uu hoosta ka gaashaanbuuraysto ee C/llaahi Yuusuf.

Shan waxa ka ah isaga oo Madaxweynaha ku sheega nin shisheeye ah oo ka xigteysta JSL, si oo ay tahay meel reer leeyhay. Mana aha Md. Siilaanyo wuu ku kama’ay oo afka ayaa ka xaday ee waa arrin uu ulajeedo ka leeyahay, biyodhaceeduna yahay in JSL loo arko meel reer leeyahay, si uu beelaha kale shaki u geliyo oo ay kalsoonidooda kala noqdaan JSL. 

Lix waxa ka ah arrinta maanta qoyan ee xaal abuurka ah ee Beesha reer Oodweyne lagula taamayo in dagaal laga dhex rido. Haddii aan iftiimiyo xaaladda Oodweyna, Madaxweye Rayaale ayaa rabay in uu booqasho ku aado ka hor intii aanu weftiga Kulmiye tegin. Kolkii ay maqleen maamalku Kulmiye booqashadaa ayey hororsadeen, waxaba ma ahaateen haddii ay ololo Lillaahi ahaan lahayd ee ujeedadii ay ka lahaayeen waataa maanta soo baxday. Waxa lagu soo aasay mu’aamarad iyo colaad beesha dhexdeeda la dhigo, iyada oo la adeegsanay lacag lagu dhaqdhaqaaqgeliyo maleeshiyo is hortaagta imaatinka Madaxweynaha. Md. Siilaanyo wuxuu u adeegsada Dr. Cabdi Aw Daahir oo aad ugu dheganugul kolka beeshooda la burburinayo, sidii loogu adeegsaday in uu u raro Burco dagaalkii sokeeye ee Hargeysa ka bilaabmay. Saaxiibnimada marxuunkii Cigaal iyo Dr. Cabdi dadku weli isma weydiin halka ay ka bilaabantay?

Waxase hubaal ah in aanu Maamulka Kulmiye ku guuldarreysanayo in uu dagaal ka dhex rido beelaha deggan Oodweyne. Musharraxiinta Oodweyna u dhashay ee maanta doorashada GW u taagan, Xisbiga Kulmiye hal nin baa ka sharaxan. Haddii beelaha reer Oodweyne ay kalsooni u hayaan Xisbiga Kulmiye way iska sharax lahaayeen Dr. Cabdow.

Cismaan Xuseen Aboker

Isuduwaha UDUB ee Yurub & W. Maraykan

 

the suffering of Somaliland is part of the scar on the conscience of the world that the Prime Minister of britain pointed out

3 July 2005

by osman Hussein aboker

Dear G8,

A glance on our past

Somaliland have been existing, approximately within the frame of its present boundaries since the ancient times, 3500 B.C. when the Pharos used to send their caravans across the desert in order to trade with Somaliland. To the ancient Egyptians, Somaliland was the Land of Punt and to the Romans, the Regio Aromatifera or Cinnamomifera. Somaliland had built its ports longtime ago, as the activities of both Zeila and Berbera were described in a document from the first century called the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, while it was visited by the Greeks and Phoenicians. Somaliland had been presented clearly on Ptolemy’s map of the world 150 C.E., while most of the countries of the world by that time were obscure on that old map. There is no doubt that Somaliland had the capacity to enter relations with other nations from the 2^nd century, as it had succeeded to establish and maintain cultural and commercial relations with the peoples of Arabian Peninsula and had been for centuries a center for trade with India and lands further East. Muslim immigrants sought refuge in Somaliland escaping from the persecution of the Arab pagans, through which Islam has eventually found its way to Somaliland, and the people of Somaliland had willingly embraced the Islam in its infant stage.

Somaliland had found and established Zeila Empire, which was ruling over Somaliland and beyond its boundaries from 13^th to 16^th century. Somaliland were existing as a land with definite area and population when our forefathers had signed with the British Empire the Anglo-Somaliland treaties for our protection and maintenance of our independence only, as they never cede, sell, mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation. It was 45 years ago when Somaliland demanded from Britain to end its protection and declared its independence on 26^th June, 1960.  

We were a sovereign independent state when we merged with Italian Somalia, which gained its independence from Italy four days later after Somaliland in 1^st July, 1960.

Why we seceded from the union  

Unfortunately the regrettable union was the initiative of Somaliland, the only sincere party of the two merging states, because of the broader vision that gave it the insight of the advantage of one great Somalia with the anticipation of democratic rule and good governance based on solidarity. And that is why Somaliland had enforced the union by relinquishing all its demands and unconditionally went into the act of the union - which otherwise could never had happened - to realize its vision. This political adventure was mainly influenced by the traditional inter-clan pastoral democracy, which is based on honesty and transparency, that the people of Somaliland presumed it to be a commonly prevailing traditional political practice among other Somali ethnic people in the Horn of Africa. As that assumption proved to be wrong, it cost Somaliland more than 50 000 lives of its people and in terms of material virtually everything that a nation either collectively or individually need to sustain life.

However that traditional political believe, which thirty years ago deluded Somaliland into the evil union has corrected the old mistakes and saved it, when the state of Somalia totally collapsed, as it has succeeded to resurrect from the ruins.

Nevertheless, this mechanism never functioned for Somalia, which hardly understood the political ambition of Somaliland as they had interpreted it as an incompetent and foolish act, and made a joke out of it referring the people of Somaliland as, “Our foolish lucky brothers”. Ironically still our cynical brothers are insisting the validity of that union which they hade intentionally violated every essence that it may had. And to their ruthless denial they deliberately abstain to mention or include in the history of the civil war of Ex-Somalia the decade we had been fighting alone against the war machine of the dictator Bar’s regime. And because of their wilful transgression, absolutely ignore the long political abuses we had suffered, the total destruction they had inflicted to our land, and the massacre of our people, as their politicians selfishly refer 1991 as the year of the out broke of the civil war in Somalia, which is actually the year it spread into their territory, after we had successfully chased the Somali army out of Somaliland territory.

As a matter of fact our ex-partner has adopted a new anomalous social setting which defies all the known human basic social laws, as if they hade landed into another dimension that governed by other laws alien to mankind. A good example is when the world was trying to feed their starving children (operation restore of hope), but must negotiate and pay to the warlords first in order to deliver the food to their dying children. And the other sad example is the daily events of Mogadishu - which outclasses the most horrifying Hollywood horror movies – that proved it to be the most dangerous city on earth. It’s very difficult for them to right themselves and abandon those inhumanly etiquette to which they have accustomed, as the international community has failed recently on the 14^th attempt to establish for them a central government that may end their misery.

And according to all those facts and more we realized that it’s our duty to secede from that evil union, as we declared our independence on the second time in our history on May 18 1991.  

Somaliland is a political challenge to international communities 

The shifting reality of Somaliland is a political challenge to international communities. Since Somaliland has proclaimed its secession from Somalia, it has achieved without international community help what so many recognized sovereign states are still lacking today, such as stability and democratization. And if it survives the international community malfeasance, which took the refuge of ostracism when failed to address its case properly, may become a good model for many fragile African states to learn from it how to adopt a home nurtured democracy.

Indeed, Somaliland democracy is neither imported nor an adopted copy, but a genuine outgrowth of its traditional system of politics, in which an Elder-assembly called Guurti, sitting under an acacia tree for days, months and even years as long as it takes to resolve the problem mostly in a unanimous fashion. And this often could be accomplished by many compromises and reconciliation, which when concluded becomes an amendment to the inter-clan “Xeer” (law).  

Somaliland has depended internally to rebuild its state starting from the grassroots and focusing on conflict management and democratization in the frame of reference of its cultural heritage. The several successive peace conferences of Somaliland Guurti in Burao, Skeikh and Borama were a prerequisite for state building process in the case of Somaliland. These conferences were mainly reconciliation between the clans of Somaliland under the guidance of traditional Xeer and religion. All these efforts have successfully paved the way to establish a lasting peace to strength the stability of the country and create a favorable condition for modern state building within the frame of democratization.

The case of Somaliland is not different in category than the cases of Yugoslavia and East Timor, whose issues are promptly addressed by the international community, who earnestly resolved those problems by breaking the former stat of Yugoslavia into separate independent states and seceding East Timor from the Republic of Indonesia. Thus, the negligence to the case of Somaliland implicitly reveals the attitude of the international community to the African Continent, which hasn’t changed that much since the abolishing of slavery, as they still se the continent merely a source to satisfy their demands, which have shifted from human resources and concentrated only material resources. Because the international community does not equally treat African people on equal foot to the other peoples in the rest of world, as long as what is valid as political rights in Yugoslavia and East Timor is not valid in Somaliland; and so long the international community do not care the mass graves in Somaliland; and the genocides who massacred the civilians in Somaliland are still on free foot, and unfortunately most of them have political refuge status in some Western Countries.    

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948, which its first four articles states:

Article 1 The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish.

Article 2

In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

a)      Killing members of the group;

b)      Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

c)      Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical

d)      destruction in whole or in part;

e)      Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

f)        Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Article 3

The following acts shall be punishable:

a)      Genocide;

b)      Conspiracy to commit genocide;

c)      Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;

d)      Attempt to commit genocide;

e)      Complicity in genocide.

Article 4

Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3 shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.

Isn’t it shame to the international communities to host talks that some of the delegates are genocides who massacred thousands of innocent civilians, whose mass graves have been in every rainy season uncovered by the rainstorms? The sad truth is some of the delegates in the last conference of Somali reconciliation at Nairobi are those who were responsible for those mass graves in Somaliland.

We just demand all the laws and conventions concerning human rights that you proclaim in your lands should be proclaimed here, in Africa, Somaliland or elsewhere to attest them as universal laws for the welfare of mankind; to make our world a better place to live on. 

Globalization is a reality that has gone beyond the human anticipation, as it has interwoven the problems of the world not only to the extend world states; if not sometimes go down in the scale to the level of individuals. Thus the problem of every state has become the problem of the rest of the world and so is the case of Somaliland can’t be treated as an isolated entity rather than being part and parcel of world problems.

However, we don’t know how the international community thinks and what its intentions are, but we are sure about our feelings that our mass graves are not less painful than the mass graves in Bosnia and Kosovo. As we are sure about our freedom of choice to pursuit like any other nation what we think is best for us; we insist on our declaration as a sovereign state with its own map, flag, population, constitution, and currency standing among the other nations of the world.  

Mr. Blair referred to the problems of African continent as a "scar on the conscience of the world". And indeed it’s, when it has not been treated equally as the rest of the world, while every affluent society has been exploiting it economically to be richer at the cost of making it poorer. We hope Mr. Blair would wake up the conscience of international community and they would notice the suffering of Somaliland which is apparently a part of that scar.

It is bizarre that Somaliland has been punished by the international community because of what it has achieved, rather than being encouraged to be example for the other African states which failed at these ends it has succeeded, such as stability, democratization, and self-reliance.

However, we hereby request from the G8 to consider our situation and not to forget us, as we exist here in Somaliland on this planet among you. Our country exactly has the same needs any other country has to flourish its development. In spite we have succeeded to rebuild part of the total destruction which has been inflicted to our country, we are still far from to restore the infrastructure which is beyond our capability in terms of capital. And this is the main obstacle to our development which we really have stuck with, as we can neither clear it off our way nor bypass it without your help.     

by Osman Hussein Aboker

UDUB Coordinator in Europe & North America

 

The conditions for a free and fair election are a matter of crucial importance to the democratisation of Somaliland.

 

Written by Mohamed .M.Adan ( Lenin). Oslo, Norway.

4 Feb. 2005 

Free and fair elections requires that

a)      Every adult of sound mind shall be free to contest an election and to campaign for votes, to register as a voter (if registration is possible for all citizens), to choose the candidate for to cast his vote and vote accordingly, uninhibited and unimpeded by official interference, discrimination on the grounds tribe, group, sex, wealth, religion, and so on, by physical restraint, intimidation, bribery, treating, undue influence or other such factors that endanger his personal security or otherwise obstruct his freedom of action.

b)      There is equality between the voters, none being allowed to cast more than one vote or to have greater weight attached to his vote.

c)      Political parties are free to sponsor candidates and canvass for votes in a truly competitive sense.

d)      The territorial units of representation are demarcated as to be nearly equal in population as possible and so as not to favour some people against the others.

e)      Those entrusted with the conduct of an election are not agents of, or are not subject to direction by, any of the contestants.

f)        The contest is conducted according to the laid down rules accepted by all as binding- whether they are the parties or the individuals.

g)      The contest is in fact conducted impartially, giving no advantage to one candidate against another.

h)      The results are based on, and truly reflect the votes lawfully cast at the election by the voters and free from falsification, inflation or other fraudulent manipulation of figures.

i)        A majority or the highest number of such lawful votes determines the winner.

While the constitution and the electoral laws can grantee the conditions in  (a) ... (e) above, they can not guarantee that the individuals will not in pervert the established electoral process and rig an election (I hope this will not be the case in Somaliland).

Yet to secure these conditions must be the concern of the democratisation. For there is no democracy unless and until they are secured. Securing them is more a matter of inculcating the democratic spirit among the people, rulers, and the ruled alike.

Among the greatest challenges of democracy in Africa and some other developing counties in the world today are wholesale electoral malpractices. The people of Somaliland lived up to the conditions of free and fair election in the last two elections and sure they will do so in this upcoming election.

In the last presidential election Kulmiye party determined to exert itself to utmost to win it. Each party professed its desire to make the contest free and fair and the people are hopeful that it will be. From the standpoint of the political parties and their candidates, rigging deprives election from its character as a competition in which all the contestants can equally aspire to win.

Elections are the peoples ultimate and most effective weapon for enforcing a governments responsibility and accountability to it.

Clean political culture is the benefit of all parties and the people. Without a free competition for power politics loses its essence.

 

End.